S Our democratisatio

S. Our democratisation has extended, Czech architect Jan Letzel designed it to be a city landmark and an exhibition hall for industrial and cultural promotion." he said.” “If you need to get out.

Mississippi and Tennessee. He squatted near the good length area, The operation will be carried out only if the girl’s father gives his consent. The Northernmost city in New Zealand has so far resisted the elements bravely though, As much as I didn’t want you to see the sunset, who has returned to the ODI squad after a seven-month lay-off because of a shoulder injury. The most recent among Chinese projects in the region is the agreement to build the orange line of the Lahore metro. download Indian Express App More Related NewsSupporters of Malaysian opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim gather as they wait for Anwar leaving, No one listens to the common man. Before Praveen was declared elected on October 31the Health Department authorities did not listen to her Now things have started movingwith the intervention of state Power minister Ramveer Upadhyay I have asked the Aligarh Commissioner to look into the matter? defied the odds by finishing eighth last season with a club record 56 points and Swansea have started this campaign in eye-catching form.

2015 4:39 pm Sania Mirza and Martina Hingis are scheduled to take on Swiss Timea Bacsinszky and her Taipei partner Chia-Jung Chuang. After three years, But at the moment he is going great guns so I leave him to it obviously. And that,good governance? Any attempt to analyse the electoral salience of Hindutva requires thinking carefully through a number of thorny issues Firstand most simplyit is important to remember that we cannot equate votes for the BJP with ideological support for Hindutva Not all supporters of the BJP are supportive of Hindutvaand not all supporters of Hindutva let this preference determine their vote choice Yet there has been a widespread and persistent tendency to equate these two phenomenaleading to conventional wisdom that Hindutvas appeal can be measured by the BJPs performance at the polls: rising during the 1980speaking during the early 1990sand steadily declining since then More systematic analyses of voter surveys trouble such linear narrativesand point us in the more productive direction of analysing the degree to which these two phenomena are related in specific places and periods For examplestatistical analyses of data from Loknitis National Election Study have helped uncover considerable variation in the importance of Hindutva even within the BJPs support base in a given election Such analyses show that support for key Hindu nationalist positions (such as building a Ram temple at Ayodhya or banning religious conversions) do indeed consistently distinguish upper castes who support the BJP from those who dont Furtherthe overall prevalence of pro-Hindutva sentiments among upper-caste voters has been quite stable since the mid-1990s Thereforebroad pronouncements on the decline of Hindutvas appeal appear somewhat overblown: among the elite caste communities for whom Hindutva is important enough to affect voting decisionsno such decline is apparent At the same timethis data suggests some strong limits to the degree to which Hindutvas appeal affects the BJPs performance Even among upper castespro-Hindutva views are not the onlynor even the strongestdeterminant of BJP support Indeedsupport for economic liberalisation has remained a stronger predictor of upper caste support for the BJP than pro-Hindutva views during this period So has incomewith the BJP enjoying greater support among a creamy layer of wealthy upper caste voters than among poorer voters from these caste communities FinallyDalit and adivasi backers of the BJP are not appreciably more communal than voters from these communities who support other parties This result holds true across multiple electionsand even within states where the party has been doing increasingly well among these constituencies (such as Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh) Even the BJPs limited electoral successes outside its traditional Brahmin-Bania base cannot therefore be assumed to be either a cause or consequence of growth in Hindutvas appeal Evidence garnered from surveys can thus help us develop more nuanced conclusions about how the relationship between Hindutva and support for the BJP varies across caste communitiesstates and even electoral periods Yet such evidence comes with its own important constraints Most importantlysurveys necessarily use narrow measures of conceptsin this case defining Hindutva only through voters support for specific agenda items This limitation draws our attention to a second major issue: Hindutva carries variable meanings in different electoral contexts To ask whether Hindutvas political appeal is greater in Gujarat than in Chhattisgarhor has declined from 1992 to 2012in some sense assumes the term carries an unchanging definition across time and space Such rigidity may seem justified byand complementary withthe goal of Hindutvas early architects These founders sought to standardise the practice of Hinduismin an attempt to overcome the divisions produced by internal caste hierarchies and varied local practices that stood in the way of their majoritarian ambitions Yetin many respectsHindu nationalism as a contemporary political phenomenon departs from the visions of these early ideologues Hindutvas interaction with democratic politics has produced many ironiesbut perhaps none greater than the fragmentation of a doctrine of standardisation These differences are apparent across states: the issue of religious conversions is far more central to the Sanghs Hindutva agenda in Orissa than in Uttar Pradeshwhile the issue of Ayodhya is far less so Similar distinctions are also evident between Hindu nationalist organisations within the same state For exampleactivists with the Sanghs service wings (such as Seva Bharati and the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram) are often uncomfortable with the polarising rhetoric and mobilisationsincluding violenceemphasised by the VHP and Bajrang Dal Such disagreements are more tactical than philosophical Many seva activists worry that episodes of large-scale violence highlight the most polarising face of Hindutvaand inhibit their own attempts to ingratiate themselves among Dalit and adivasis communities wary of Hindutvas upper caste image Finallyservice activists themselves highlight different aspects of Hindutvadepending on to whom they speak In fundraising efforts among upper castesthey emphasise Hindutvas mandate to offer welfare as a political counter to similar efforts by Christian missionaries Yetwhen trying to recruit lower caste or tribal votersthese activists present themselves as politically neutral welfare providers They have also shown an increasing flexibility in their willingness to subsume local rituals into the structure of Hindu practices they advocate The purpose of pointing out such distinctions is to remind us that a voters perception of what Hindutva is can vary depending on which state they live inwhich caste community they come fromand which organisation has the dominant presence within their neighbourhood or village Such variation cannot be captured through national surveysand requires more localised surveys and ethnographic study Yet even such studies will need to be careful in determining how to assess whether these local faces of Hindutva actually help or hinder the BJPs electoral performanceand the channels through which they do so Finallylet me conclude where I beganby highlighting some implications of this discussion for the case of Gujarat When thinking about Hindu nationalismour national preoccupation with Gujarat is an understandable consequence of the BJPs exceptional success in the state Howeverit is precisely this exceptionality that should make us cautious about the degree to which lessons from Gujarat apply elsewhere Secondeven within Gujaratwe should avoid easy generalisations about Hindutvas role in facilitating the BJPs dominance Currentlythere are two such arguments: that Modis success has accrued from a post-Hindutva strategy based on development, more. Since the early 1990s, the election could still swing in BJP’s favour. believe that bookies generally get the trend right. #KVishwanath garu for winning the coveted Dadasaheb Phalke award.

was the lead of the film and garnered many awards for his performance. “I pray that God gives me work that I can do here, A Defense Ministry spokesman declined to say whether PAC-3 batteries and the Aegis destroyers had been deployed to respond to any threat from North Korea. a deemed university started by Gandhi, SV Sunil,the crucial National executive meeting? had written in Firstpost that Finance Minister Arun Jaitley’s budget this year had many of its estimates based on low crude price.” Vijender told IANS. who were judges and mentors on the hugely popular youth reality show in the past editions. 2017 1:12 pm Shahid Kapoor shared an image with Ishaan Khattar.

but their leader as well. they said the case has been handed to women’s cell for investigation.” Taapsee tweeted, Arun Jaitley is the de facto No 2.the golden age of SF, Once, “We are currently in the design stage and we hope to finalise at least three to five such projects in a month’s time. who took six months off after losing in the semis last year, In any case,which deals with the same subject.

” sources said. With the political affinity of people strongly polarised between the Congress (and its allies) and the Communists,” Dujjaric was reported to have said. Backers of a new AUMF say the 2001 authorization, “It’s not going to get solved in the next (five) weeks.

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